Diplomacy and the Don - The Exposure of Jamaica's Drug Trade

There is a thunderstorm raging over Jamaica that threatens to capsize the island's already hobbled cheaper and put its government in a gentle quandary with the United States. Last August, the U.S. Group of Justice issued an extradition certify for the arrest of Christopher "Dudus" Coke, reputed don of West Kingston's infamous Tivoli Gardens garrison. Coke, counted among the "world's most dangerous narcotics kingpins" by the U.S. Drug obligation Group (Dea), has been expensed with conspiracy to traffic firearms and to distribute marijuana and cocaine.

To date, Jamaican Prime clergyman Bruce Golding has ignored expanding local and U.S. Pressure to sign the extradition warrant, citing breach of Jamaican law in obtaining the wiretapped evidence and the security of its citizens to due process. But this is no commonplace citizen.

Kingston

The tentacles of Coke's power and influence stretch across Jamaica and in to the upper echelons of the current government. The community Coke controls is a notorious stronghold of the ruling Jamaica Labor Party (Jlp) and is Prime clergyman Golding's constituency; his defense attorney, Senator Tom Tavares-Finson, is a member of Parliament.

More than a gentle stalemate, the David-and-Goliath showdown threatens to expose the corruption that for decades has been intrinsic to Jamaican politics. Moreover, it underscores the reality that politics and criminal gangs remain intricately linked in both political parties. The ongoing gentle stalemate has vast repercussions for the beloved traveler destination, which relies heavily on U.S. Retain and magnanimity in the form of exports, tourism and remittances.

Then, a bombshell: A Washington Post article reported that last November, foremost U.S. Law firm Manatt, Phelps and Phillips received nearly ,000, an installment toward a 0,000 contract, to lobby on behalf of the government of Jamaica against Coke's extradition.

The trade was signed by Manatt partner Susan Schmidt and Kingston lawyer Harold Brady, who claimed he was "authorized on behalf of the government of Jamaica" to make the deal and attended by Daryl Vaz, Jamaica's clergyman of Information. The trade violates the Foreign Agent Registration Act (Fara), because of the firm's failure to declare the purpose and extent of their lobbying efforts and because Coke financed the contract.

Though records filed by Manatt under Fara regulations state that only "treaty issues" were discussed, White House officials confirm that conversations were primarily focused on Jamaica's opposition to extraditing Coke. In the ensuing furor, Prime clergyman Golding has denied that anyone was authorized to act on the government's behalf, and the law firm has since "ceased activities on behalf of the Government of Jamaica." But questions remain, foremost among them: Who has the power to broker and finance such a deal and why?

It is all anyone, cab drivers, businessmen, nurses, vendors, speaks of on the island. As testament to his power and reach, though, approximately no one will speak on article -- not university professors, journalists, friends or the man on the street -- and inquiries are met with dead-eyed stares and disconnected phone lines. A palpable tension hovers over uptown Kingston and across the island, a restless disquiet.

Impenetrable to outsiders, the entrances to uptown garrisons are barricaded with cement boulders, tires and old iron. They're patrolled by steely eyed boy-men with self-operating weapons hanging at their sides, fingers not far from the trigger. Ghetto passes do not suffice here, and curiosity is answered with a strident "Who you?" Coke's supporters - who are legion - insist he will not go without a fight, and rumors are rampant about his preparedness.

Garrison communities - Tivoli, Trench Town, Jungle, Fletcher's Land and others - are self-governing, politically protected enclaves striated according to party affiliation, dependent on and controlled by "dons" and their gangs, who are the liaison in the middle of the community and political parties. Dons receive the patronage and political security of party leaders, which insulates them from law enforcement. In exchange, they finance political campaigns, deliver votes, wage wars to protect territories and declare peace overall.

Despite their credit for criminality and corruption, many dons benefit enormously from government contracts for construction, transportation and infrastructure, and, in turn, apply these legal businesses to launder money. They fill a gap that successive governments seem unable and unwilling to tackle.

In point, Coke has been instrumental in resurrecting, restructuring and streamlining commerce and ensuring the security and security of both vendors and buyers in uptown Kingston. Now, enterprise transactions and communal interactions (such as the beloved dancehall event, Passa Passa) are mutually beneficial, and money flows in to poverty-stricken communities that are unlikely to benefit from traveler dollars or government subsidies.

He's also managed to stem much of the violence and terror for which these areas are historically renowned. But this peace comes at a steep price: There is no enterprise that operates without paying up to a don's henchmen--from established businesses and storefronts to furnish sellers in the markets. Refusal means arson, intimidation and the threat of violence with no legal recourse.

Politicians have ceded their power to gangsters and appear unable or unwilling to mitigate the chaos they helped generate since they began arming the gangs of inner city Kingston and beyond. As the deadlock tightens, Jamaicans are fearful of the return to and escape of violence and what will flourish in the vacuum created by his extradition.

Jamaicans are a famously proud population who balk at the view of bowing to anyone and anyone, but many are bitterly angry at and exasperated by the putrid odor of decades-long corruption, which they feel sullies the island's image across the world. No matter the resolution, in the bitter aftermath, the unbearable price will be paid by quarterly Jamaicans struggling to eke out a living.

The U.S. Sharpens Its Tools

The flailing began with Jamaica's prominence in the 2010 International Narcotics operate Strategy Report, which lays bare the country's many transgressions. The article turns the spotlight on the "unusual handling of [Coke's] extradition request" and notes the "dramatic convert in Jamaica's old cooperation on extradition," together with a temporary suspension in the processing of all other pending requests, which it says raises serious questions about the country's commitment to combating transnational crime.

Damningly, the article highlights the "guns for ganja" trade and labels the island "the Caribbean's largest source of marijuana" for the United States and "a transit point for cocaine trafficked from South America," and cites its "high murder rate per capita--1,672 in 2009, one of the top in the world." It expresses concern over "the expanding action of organized crime, which permeates the legitimate enterprise sector as well as the political sector, and its impact on Jamaica's political and economic stability."

Despite assertions by the U.S. Fee 'd'affaires to Jamaica, Isaiah Parnell, that ties remain strong in the middle of the countries, Washington is growing weary of waiting and skeptical of the government's political will. Despite Prime clergyman Golding's assertions that efforts are being made to strengthen bilateral cooperation to stem the tide of illegal guns and drugs, anticorruption and anticrime legislation still languishes in Parliament.

To date, the United States has yet to appoint an ambassador to Jamaica, and recently, the visas of some foremost entertainers and businessmen have been revoked without warning. Many citizens are worried that U.S. Visas will not be granted or renewed.

What options lay ahead for Coke, who resides in a storied mansion in the verdant suburbs of Kingston, miles away from the congested slums he purportedly commands? His father, feared Jlp strongman Lloyd Lester "Jim Brown" Coke, Jlp enforcer and leader of the Shower Posse -- that for over a decade funneled drugs and guns through the U.S. And Jamaica -- also found himself in the same predicament. Coke Sr. Died in a mysterious fire in his cell at the normal Penitentiary on the eve of his own extradition in February 1991.

Currently, the political foot dragging continues before the Jamaica consummate Court. Jamaica Attorney normal Dorothy Lightbourne has filed a request for retrial seeking a proclamation on the handling of the extradition invite for Coke. A hearing is set for May 5th.

As the high stakes game of chicken continues, a country waits: anxious, vigilant, hopeful.

Diplomacy and the Don - The Exposure of Jamaica's Drug Trade